By Sydney Byerly
The Indiana Citizen
March 5, 2026
When Lt. Gov. Micah Beckwith laid out his policy wish list ahead of the 2026 legislative session — slowly eliminating property taxes, expanding execution methods to include firing squads and requiring the display of the Ten Commandments — he urged Indiana’s Republican supermajority to “start acting like it.”
But when the session ended, most of Beckwith’s highest-profile priorities had stalled.
Beckwith, a pastor at Life Church in Noblesville, presided over the Senate as part of his role as lieutenant governor. But he pursued his agenda largely by attempting to exert external pressure on lawmakers, taking to social media, podcasts and his web talk show throughout the session to champion his agenda.
He framed the session as a test of whether Republican lawmakers would follow through on promises to voters. In February he wrote: “Hoosiers are right to ask: what’s the point of a supermajority if we govern like we’re in the minority?”
A handful of measures he supported did pass the General Assembly, including bills addressing doxxing, immigration enforcement and criminal sentencing. Yet several of the issues Beckwith most forcefully and frequently promoted — including eliminating property taxes to defining “sex” and “gender” in state law — never made it to the governor’s desk.
The outcome showcased the limits of Beckwith’s influence inside a legislature dominated by his own party, where House and Senate leaders and committee chairs ultimately determine which proposals advance.
Even as many of Beckwith’s highest-profile proposals stalled, several measures he supported did win legislative approval.
Among them was Senate Bill 76, dubbed by supporters “The FAIRNESS Act,” which aims to align Indiana law more closely with President Donald Trump’s deportation efforts by strengthening requirements for cooperation between local officials and federal immigration authorities. The lieutenant governor repeatedly highlighted the measure on social media, writing that Indiana should “do our part to help enforce the rule of law.”
Lawmakers also approved Senate Bill 140, which would make doxxing — the malicious release of someone’s personal information online with the intent to harass or threaten — a criminal offense. The bill passed unanimously in both the House and Senate.
The legislation gained momentum following a series of doxxing and swatting incidents tied to political disputes during Indiana’s contentious redistricting fight, when some lawmakers reported having their home addresses posted online and false emergency calls made to their homes. Beckwith, an early and vocal supporter of the failed redistricting push, argued stronger penalties were needed to deter political intimidation.
Beckwith, who was an early and vocal supporter of the failed redistricting push, used increasingly charged rhetoric as that debate unfolded. After the proposal collapsed in the Senate, he posted on social media: “The war didn’t start today. But today made it unmistakably clear who’s willing to stand … and who isn’t,” before listing the names of senators who voted against the measure.
Another Beckwith-backed proposal, Senate Bill 160, adds an aggravating circumstance in criminal sentencing when offenders commit a crime while wearing a mask or otherwise concealing their identity.
Intending to protect minors from grooming, Senate Bill 119 also cleared the legislature. Beckwith touted the legislation online, arguing that lawmakers needed to take the threat of grooming seriously because “one of our most important jobs as elected officials is to protect Hoosier children.”
Meanwhile, House Bill 1250, requiring the Indiana Department of Correction to notify county officials when certain offenders are released from prison, was signed into law March 3.
Each cleared the legislature and were awaiting action from Gov. Mike Braun at the close of the session. Under Indiana law, the governor has seven days to sign or veto a bill after receiving it; if he does nothing, it automatically becomes law on the eighth day.
At the same time, several of the most attention-grabbing ideas Beckwith promoted during the session failed to gain traction.
One of the most controversial proposals — legislation expanding Indiana’s execution methods to include firing squads — also stalled this session. Indiana Senate Bill 11 received testimony in the Senate Corrections and Criminal Law Committee on Jan. 6 and was later scheduled for an amend-and-vote hearing on Jan. 13 before reappearing on the committee’s Jan. 20 agenda, the final meeting before the chamber deadline. The bill ultimately did not advance out of committee. A similar measure, Indiana House Bill 1119, made it to the House floor but narrowly failed Jan. 28 on a 48–47 vote.
Beckwith argued the proposal was necessary because of ongoing difficulties obtaining lethal injection drugs, writing in one post that Indiana should “ensure justice can still be carried out even when pharmaceutical companies refuse to cooperate.”
Other priorities identified by the lieutenant governor also struggled to advance.
Two weeks before the end of the session, Beckwith made a final plea for Senate bills 236 and 182, both of which failed to receive hearings in the House Public Health Committee.
Senate Bill 236 would have prohibited the manufacturing, mailing, prescribing and distributing of abortion medication. Senate Bill 182 sought to explicitly protect sex-segregated spaces — such as bathrooms and locker rooms — on the basis of biological sex.
“Not only do these bills promote common sense values, but they also protect human life, both born and unborn,” Beckwith wrote.
Beckwith was particularly vocal about SB 182, telling WOWO’s Fort Wayne Morning News host Kayla Blakeslee he was “honked off” about the lack of support it received from the Republican supermajority.
In the interview, Beckwith suggested some lawmakers were reluctant to push the measure forward fearing it was controversial.
“It just seems like they kind of like — the lion in ‘The Wizard of Oz,’ right?” he said. “There’s no courage. What are you afraid of? Get in there. You will win if you just enter the battlefield.”
House Public Health Committee Chairman Rep. Brad Barrett, R-Richmond, said the committee simply ran out of time to discuss either bill during the short session, declining to comment further.
Several other proposals Beckwith promoted throughout the session also failed to advance.
House Bill 1086, which would have required the display of the Ten Commandments in certain government settings, did not move beyond the House despite Beckwith’s argument that it would recognize what he described as the nation’s “Judeo-Christian foundations.”
His push to gradually eliminate property taxes — a cornerstone of the agenda he outlined at the start of the year — also stalled. House Bill 1288, which would have allowed lawmakers to begin phasing out property taxes, died in committee in January. Beckwith has long advocated moving Indiana to a purchase-price-based property tax system, although economists warn it could create instability in the housing market. HB 1288 would not have implemented that system directly.
Beckwith promoted reform heavily on social media, arguing the current system unfairly burdens homeowners and calling on lawmakers to “finally end property taxes in Indiana.”
Other proposals met similar fates. Senate Bill 87, which would have required immigration-status verification for workers on public construction projects, stalled in committee. Additional legislation that aligned with Beckwith’s agenda — including a proposal related to law enforcement authority in downtown Indianapolis — likewise failed to advance.
Taken together, the outcomes highlight the limits of the lieutenant governor’s ability to shape legislative leaders’ agendas or generate a groundswell of support for bills he backs from rank-and-file lawmakers.
While many of Beckwith’s preferred policies stalled, several of the measures he publicly opposed also struggled to gain traction.
Among them was legislation that would have changed how political parties nominate lieutenant governor candidates — a proposal Beckwith derided as “The Micah Beckwith Bill.” He argued the measure was prompted by his own unconventional nomination at 2024’s Republican state convention and said it would strip the party’s grassroots of influence in the process. The bill ultimately died in committee.
Other proposals Beckwith criticized met similar fates. Efforts to eliminate straight-ticket voting, decriminalize small amounts of marijuana and set statewide rules governing the use of automated traffic enforcement cameras — which are already used in many communities — all failed to advance during the session.
On recreational marijuana, Beckwith explained his opposition during a recent “Ask Micah Anything” segment on his YouTube podcast. He described himself as “not a pro legalized marijuana guy” and pointed to other states — particularly his home state of Michigan — as cautionary examples.
Beckwith argued legalization has failed to deliver promised benefits such as funding for schools, while creating larger social costs including homelessness, drug dealing and increased risks for children. He also warned against what he called the “tax it and fund X” approach, noting that states often spend more addressing the consequences than they gain in revenue.
“At the end of the day, legalization hasn’t helped in states like Michigan, Colorado or California,” he said. “For every tax dollar they bring in, they’re spending three to four dollars cleaning up the mess legalization has made. That’s not a positive outcome. There may be a place to discuss medical cannabis for conditions like Parkinson’s or other serious illnesses, but recreational legalization is not the solution — it’s a trap.”
One bill Beckwith opposed, however, did move forward.
Senate Bill 91 would extend Indiana’s syringe exchange programs — public health initiatives first authorized in 2015 during an HIV outbreak in southern Indiana. The legislation passed both chambers and now awaits a decision from Braun.
Braun, as a state representative, voted against the original syringe exchange authorization when it passed in 2015.
In a post to X before the bill’s House passage, Beckwith argued the programs encourage drug use rather than addressing addiction.
“The government should not be in the business of handing out needles to people,” he wrote, calling the legislation “an absolutely horrible bill” and saying he hoped the House would reject it.
The session also exposed tensions between Beckwith and other members of his own party, as the lieutenant governor used social media and media appearances to pressure lawmakers to move more aggressively on conservative priorities.
At times, that pressure campaign turned personal.
Earlier in the session, Beckwith publicly criticized the Indiana Senate after several conservative-backed proposals stalled, writing online that the chamber had developed a reputation as “the place where conservative bills go to die.”
“This isn’t the first time we’ve seen a weak Senate,” he said in one post.
Beckwith also clashed with Sen. Ron Alting, a Lafayette Republican, after a brief moment during a Senate committee hearing led by Alting, drew laughter at the lieutenant governor’s expense. Beckwith responded with a social media video criticizing Alting’s past votes on abortion, transgender sports participation and diversity initiatives, accusing him of siding with Democrats on key issues.
Alting later defended his record in a statement.
“I’m proudly pro-life and support exceptions for the life of the mother, rape, and incest — the same position President Trump has outlined,” Alting said. “Legislating is about getting policy right, not picking and choosing votes for political theater. I serve District 22 — not social media.”
The exchange came as Beckwith has already signaled support for a Republican primary challenger against Alting in the 2026 election.
Beckwith also weighed in on internal party divisions after Rep. Ed Clere of New Albany announced he would leave the Republican Party to become an independent. The lieutenant governor suggested Clere’s departure reflected broader ideological disagreements within the party.
“While announcing his decision to leave the Republican Party over the weekend, Indiana Rep. Ed Clere cited his issues with President Trump, myself, and the current direction of the conservative movement,” Beckwith wrote. “Pretty sure we’ll manage just fine without you, Ed.”
Despite the setbacks, Beckwith has shown little indication that he plans to abandon the policies he promoted at the start of the year.
He has continued to advocate publicly for eliminating property taxes, restricting abortion medication and expanding execution methods — suggesting many of the same proposals could reappear in future legislative sessions.
Throughout the session, Beckwith framed the legislative debate as a test of whether Republicans were willing to use their large legislative majorities to advance conservative priorities.
“Sometimes we’ve got to govern like we are a supermajority,” Beckwith said during a February appearance on WOWO radio. “If we don’t start using this supermajority to fight for conservative principles, we’re going to lose it.”
Sydney Byerly is a political reporter who grew up in New Albany, Indiana. Before joining The Citizen, Sydney reported news for TheStatehouseFile.com and most recently managed and edited The Corydon Democrat & Clarion News in southern Indiana. She earned her bachelor’s in journalism at Franklin College’s Pulliam School of Journalism (‘Sco Griz!).
The Indiana Citizen is a nonpartisan, nonprofit platform dedicated to increasing the number of informed and engaged Hoosier citizens. We are operated by the Indiana Citizen Education Foundation, Inc., a 501(c)(3) public charity. For questions about the story, contact Marilyn Odendahl at marilyn.odendahl@indianacitizen.org.
