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Unabashedly liberal. Quick to point out what he views as common sense, nonsensical or hypocritical. And unperturbed by criticism if he’s convinced that he’s on the right side.

That’s a quick take on finance and real estate lawyer Greg Taylor, who for 12 years has been a state senator representing District 33, a pocket of inner suburbs on the Near Northwestside of Indianapolis. The district, which runs from the southern reaches of Meridian Kessler to the outskirts of Eagle Creek, is one of the Senate’s most racially and economically diverse. It is also one of the Senate’s safest seats for Democrats; Republicans last contested it in 2000.

After the general election in 2020 – and yet another shellacking that left Democrats still badly outnumbered by Republican supermajorities in both chambers of the General Assembly – Taylor became minority leader, the top Democratic position in the Senate, replacing the more low-key Tim Lanane of Anderson; Taylor became first Black legislator ever to lead a caucus in the Indiana General Assembly.

Taylor’s passion for his causes has been matched only by his frustration in being so often on the losing side. Due to their supermajorities – which grew by four in the House but shrank by one in the Senate in 2020 — Republicans have the quorums to pass bills and conduct other legislative business entirely on their own.

Perhaps most frustrating to Taylor has been his years-long effort to pass hate crimes legislation which would increase penalties for crimes targeting specific marginalized groups. Between 2014 and 2018, Taylor and Gregory Porter, a Democrat representing a diverse Indianapolis district in the House, introduced bill after bill, sometimes joined by few Republican colleagues, to no avail. Each bill spelled out the groups who could be the target of a hate crime due to “race, color, creed, disability, national origin, religion, sexual orientation, gender, or gender identity.” The bill also included language to provide training and tools for police so they could better identify hate crimes and report it.

In 2019 a hate crime bill was seriously considered, and proponents were hopeful that it would become law until Republican senators removed specific mention of marginalized groups from the bill. Gov. Eric Holcomb – who had pushed for the specific mention in his efforts to get Indiana off the short list of states without a hate crimes law —- nonetheless signed it.

Taylor and other Democrats were livid.

“You don’t have to agree with how somebody lives to respect their ability to live freely and responsibly in this state,” said Taylor in an interview with the Lafayette Journal and Courier in February 2019. “But when you take that ability away knowing that they have been targeted, it is a shame, and this is a disaster for the state of Indiana.”

Taylor has managed to get bills passed during his tenure, employing the art of bipartisanship, a required skill for all General Assembly Democrats. Among recent legislation that he was instrumental in passing and having signed into law: enhanced newborn screenings for health disorders; strengthened reporting and monitoring in hiring women, minority and veteran-owned firms for government contracts, and more stringent monitoring of pharmacy benefit managers to limit rising prescription costs and spending.

Most often, Taylor speaks out passionately about issues when they are related to social justice. In addition to his work on various task forces and committees aimed at increasing diversity, Taylor works with other members of the Indiana Black Legislative Caucus. After George Floyd’s death at the hands of Minneapolis police in 2020, the caucus called on the governor to ban police chokeholds and put in place other reforms.

One of the few pleasures that a member of a minority party can relish when it holds so little power is vindication after the fact. Such was the case for Taylor in 2020 after a federal judge blocked Indiana’s new panhandling law, which would ban the practice within a 50 feet distance of monuments, financial institutions and parking meters.

“Throughout the session, I was a strong advocate against the panhandling bill,” Taylor said in a statement released after the court ruling. “The last thing we should be doing is implementing laws that intentionally seek to harm our most vulnerable Hoosiers. There are a number of situations that could lead to someone asking for assistance—and their freedom of speech protects that right, no matter what their circumstances are. It’s disappointing that this proposal even made it out of the legislature, but it’s a relief that it has been struck down.”

Taylor expressed similar relief after Holcomb vetoed a Republican-backed landlord rights bill also passed in 2020.

“Hoosiers in my community, and in communities across the state, would have had city ordinances protecting tenants from bad-acting landlords invalidated if SEA 148 had been approved,” he said. “It’s even more imperative now that we are protecting Hoosiers from wrongful treatment and evictions as we work to combat the coronavirus pandemic.” —Kathleen Schuckel


(800) 382-9467
200 West Washington Street Indianapolis, IN 46204


  • JD, Law School, Indiana University at Bloomington, 1993-1996
  • BA, Economics/Business/Managerial Economics, Indiana University at Bloomington, 1988-1992


Agriculture, Local Government, Public Policy, Judiciary, Natural Resources, Tax and Fiscal Policy


SB 198-2019 (Sentencing, bias crimes). Allowed longer sentences in crimes based on personal characteristics, stripped of references to sexual orientation, gender identity and race. No

SB 516-2019 (Regulation of hemp). Allowed cultivation and regulation of hemp products in Indiana, did not change marijuana laws. Yes

HB 1001-2019 (State budget). Set funding for state agencies and services, including 2.5% annual increases for education, though not directly for teacher salaries. No

HB 1004-2019 (School safety). Increased access to funding for security systems and resource officers, was stripped of provisions for mental health screening. Yes

HB 1015-2019 (Various gaming matters). Allowed sports betting statewide and table games in more casinos, relocated a casino in Gary and authorizing a new one in Terre Haute. Yes

SB 1-2020 (Tobacco and vaping). Raised from 18 to 21 the legal age to buy tobacco or vaping products in Indiana. No

SB 148-2020 (Zoning and housing matters). Was amended to overrule local tenant protection measures like those in Indianapolis, Bloomington and Merrillville. Vetoed by governor. No

HB 1004-2020 (Health matters). Controlled surprise billing for out-of-network and other costs. Not voting

HB 1070-2020 (Distracted driving). Made it an infraction to handle a cell phone while operating a motor vehicle. Yes

HB 1414-2020 (Electric generation). Prohibited utilities from closing coal-fired generating plants without permission from the Indiana Utility Regulatory Commission. No


Johnson, Lacy, $5,000

Indiana Trial Lawyers Association, $3,000

Borne, Thomas, $3,000

Anheuser-Busch Co., $1,500

Nisource Inc., $1,500


Indiana Manufacturers Association Positions 11
Indiana Manufacturers Association Lifetime Positions 49
Indiana Chamber of Commerce Positions (4 Year Average) 59
Indiana Chamber of Commerce Positions 61
LEAP Forward Positions (Indianna) 97
Citizens Action Coalition of Indiana Positions 88
Citizens Action Coalition of Indiana Lifetime Positions 76
Indiana AFL-CIO Positions 100
Indiana Manufacturers Association Positions 85
Indiana Manufacturers Association Lifetime Positions 62


Senior counsel, MWH Law Group; senior counsel for Gonzalez, Saggio and Harlan; Indiana Department of Commerce; senior counsel, Locke Reynolds.


Population: 130,728

Race/Ethnic Origin: 33.6% white, 53.3% Black, 1.6% Asian, 8.2% other, 3.3% two or more; 29.5% white non-Hispanic, 13.1% Hispanic.